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Dr. Hume Johnson – Author, Political Analyst, Journalist, Academic

Dr Hume Johnson

Ranked as one of the leading communication specialists and political analysts in Jamaica, Dr Hume Johnson is a most sought after consultant, strategic advisor and media trainer. A broadcast journalist by training, Dr Johnson has over 15 years of professional experience in television & radio broadcasting, as well as in strategic communication and public relations. Her expertise in political communication and active engagement in the Jamaican public sector won her top-notch clients including high-level Government officials, entertainers and business executives. Dr Johnson served as a specialist speech writer within the Ministry of National Security (Jamaica); researcher with former State Minister for Foreign Affairs & Trade, Delano Franklyn, and was an executive member of the Youth Advisory Council of former Prime Minister of Jamaica Hon. P J Patterson. Her outstanding work, in building the image and brands of iconic Jamaican entertainers Tony Rebel (and reggae festival Rebel Salute), Queen Ifrica and Lymie Murray is also well regarded.

Nowadays, Dr Johnson manages a global career as an academic extending from her native Jamaica to Australia, New Zealand and the United States.  She is currently a Professor of Strategic Political Communication and Public Relations at Roger Williams University, Rhode Island, United States. Previously Dr Johnson lectured in the Broadcast curriculum (radio and television) at James Cook University, Queensland Australia. She is also an Honorary Associate of the Department of Politics at Waikato University, New Zealand.

Dr Johnson holds a PhD in Political Science & Public Policy from the University of Waikato, New Zealand, Masters of Science in Government (International Relations) and a Bachelor of Arts in Media and Communication from the University of the West Indies. An astute political thinker, she writes extensively on governance and civil society in Jamaica. She is the author of ‘Challenges to Civil Society: Protest and Governance in Jamaica’ (Cambria Press, 2011); co-author of ‘Jamaican Dons, Italian Mafias and the chances of a reversible destiny’ (Political Studies, Vol. 56, March 2008) and “Ode to Quasheba: Resistance Rituals of Higgler Women in Jamaica” (On the Edges of Development: Cultural Interventions, New York: Routledge, 2009).

Dr Johnson is also a regular political commentator and analyst with the Jamaica Gleaner and various radio talk programmes. She has remarked on recent political developments in Jamaica, including the appointment of the country’s youngest prime minister, and the ongoing discussions about organised crime, garrison politics and ‘dons’.

Dr Johnson offers training and consultancy services in Communications – Broadcasting, Public Speaking Effective Writing, Public Relations Techniques and Crisis Communications. Her ‘Step Up to the Microphone’ series is a workshop designed to train working professionals in public speaking. The training components include The Art of Conversation, Building Your Personal and Professional Brand, Understanding the Media; Speechwriting and How to handle Media Interviews. She is available for speaking engagements in Communications (including Crisis Planning), Political and Social Affairs (civil society, crime, governance); Leadership;  and Image & Reputation Management.


 

 
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Posted by on June 24, 2009 in Discover Hume Johnson

 

The International Freedom of Expression Forum Censorship and Freedom in Traditional and New Media: The Revolution of Media as a tool of Freedom of Expression (Berlin, February 28th – March 2nd, 2012)

Reblogged from Cultural Diplomacy News:

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The Cultural Diplomacy News team and the Institute for Cultural Diplomacy are pleased to introduce you to the annual “International Freedom of Expression Forum”.   We are sorry for the inconvenient, but for logistic reasons we have decided to hole the conference in Berlin instead of Rome, as initially planned. The Forum is an annual conference on the issue of “Freedom of Expression”. The aim of the conference this year is to reflect on the concepts of “freedom” and “censorship” and look …

The Media is a key dimension of the public sphere. There is an inescapable integratedness of journalism and political culture. Indeed, the media is, in many ways, shaped by the political traditions of our societies. It is for this reason the following FORUM on “Censorship and Freedom in Traditional and New Media” (Feb 28 – March 2, 2012) is so significant. Check it out!
 
 

Can Cultural Diplomacy Lift Jamaica’s Brand Quality?

By Hume N. Johnson, PhD

In her swearing in speech on January 6, 2011, Jamaica’s Prime Minister, Portia Simpson Miller acknowledged, inter alia, that included in her mandate is the imperative to ‘protect the good name of Jamaica at home and in the international community’. Jamaica, she stressed, must remain for all, a quality brand’. Jamaica has without doubt enjoyed extraordinary brand success in sport, and maintains an iconic status as the vibrant home of Reggae music and Rastafari culture. Yet, Mrs. Simpson Miller recognises that Jamaica’s image abroad has also experienced deterioration in recent years. With homicide rates still uncontained, Jamaica has the unflattering record as the third most murderous country in the world. Jamaican music, once seen as a beacon for the oppressed, has been snubbed in some countries in recent years, labeled unfit for children and some of its emissaries banned from performing; charged with spreading hate. Despite priding ourselves as a friendly, hospitable nation with a warm and vibrant people, Jamaica is increasingly branded as one of the most homophobic societies in the Western Hemisphere. Within the current global context, defined by the spread of information, culture and trade, Jamaica’s ‘quality brand’ would appear to be at risk.

Most governments who are tuned into the reality of their country in this global setting; to the world economy, to how their country relates to others with regards to trade, tourism, investment and sport – understand that having an undesirable brand quality is problematic. Jamaica’s ambiguous reputation in the global community diminishes our capacity to project our true might as a small nation and creates confusion about our values and traditions. It is therefore essential that we aim to reverse this global picture and improve our international standing in global public opinion, especially as we prepare to celebrate our golden Jubilee and Olympic glory at London 2012.

Cultural Diplomacy

To counter negative perceptions and to support their culture and image abroad, both small and powerful governments are increasingly considering the role of cultural diplomacy as crucial. According to a 2005 State Department Report, ‘cultural diplomacy is the linchpin of public diplomacy (communication and engagement); for it is in cultural activities that a nation’s idea of itself is best represented’ (State Department, 2005). Nowadays, nations are considered brands that compete for market leadership to attract foreign investment and tourists. In recognition of the urgent need to enhance their international reputation and control how they are perceived in global public opinion, governments are designing new communication strategies to promote their culture, set up long-term relationships with publics abroad, and to achieve some national interests. Indeed, according to the State Department, ‘in the wake of the invasion of Iraq, the prisoner abuse scandal at Abu Ghraib, and the controversy over the handling of detainees at Bagram and Guantanamo Bay, America is viewed in much of the world less as a beacon of hope than as a dangerous force to be countered’.

Cultural diplomacy thus became a necessary tool for the United States government, to, among other things, combat the notion that ‘Americans are shallow, violent and godless’ (State Department, 2005). America is not alone in recognising the value of cultural diplomacy. Many European countries are currently involved in numerous programmes, promoted directly and indirectly by governments, other times by independent institutions or non-governmental organisations, to support their image and culture abroad. Italy, India and France present extraordinary examples of effective cultural diplomacy. For example, a plethora of organisations worldwide are involved in programmes aimed at re-launching Italian culture and language around the world. Indeed, more than 80 institutions are said to operate around the United States and Europe positioning and promoting Italian culture and identity. For decades, these organisations have been working to present a country where higher education and the preservation of the arts and classic culture as part of the national tradition, finding roots in the Italian Renaissance. Today, the result of the work is there for the world to see. Italy may be known as the seat of the Mafia, but it is much more renowned for its architecture, cuisine, fashion, music, education and religion. India has managed to preserve a positive presence in the international community for its culture, undergirded by the increasing popularity of Bollywood films, the fame of cricketer Sachin Tendulkar and its well-liked cuisine. Whereas cities such as Paris and New York has branded themselves through cultural diplomacy, emerging nations such as South Africa is now well placed to benefit from increased investments as a result of its ‘Brand Africa’ thrust. A decade ago, in 2002 the South African government formed International Marketing Council dedicated to rebranding the nation as a cultural mecca and reversing its image as a murderous, unsafe, racist and HIV infested place.

Given Jamaica’s brand positioning in the international arena, effective cultural diplomacy is required to give legs to the myriad cultural products that Jamaica has to offer. It would be good to see the development of a cultural diplomacy strategy with the objective to purposefully and tactically re-image, re-position and promote Jamaica’s culture and identity abroad. It is time that we begin to leverage the following:  

Jamaican architecture (Old Capital Spanish Town; Rose Hall Great house; other Castles and Forts);

Jamaican Cuisine (our Food festivals, Jerk, Ackee and salt fish, Festival; Dumplings);

the successes of Jamaican Fashion/models;

Jamaican Music (Reggae; Dancehall; Jamaican Jazz; Street dances – Passa Passa, Weddy Weddy etc);

the Arts in Jamaica (Paintings, Sculpture, Craft);

Jamaican Religion (Rasta, Obeah, Revivalism, Kumina); Sport (Athletics, Football, Netball). It is also important to leverage Jamaican scholarship through the formation of Think Tanks overseas as well as student exchanges; as well as Indigenous Films and Alternative Medicine.

Defining Culture

When we say culture, we must now, of necessity, assume a more expanded definition to account for not just the image of the nation, but its reputation. If we focus on just one aspect of culture – the arts and music, we run the risk of ignoring fundamental elements of our culture that also govern how we are perceived in global public opinion. In this latter sense, I see culture as ‘an organised group of ideas, habits and conditions of members of a society’ (Linton, 1956).  ‘In other words, Jamaicans, as people in every culture, are raised with a set of values, beliefs and attitudes which affects how we behave, what values we project and defend. Yet, these values and attitudes also impact on how we are perceived by others. We would be foolish to believe that perceptions about Jamaicans’ attitudes to work, discipline, regulatory codes; our sense of tolerance of others etc. do not guide the foreign policy and international relations of powerful countries in their dealings with small states such as Jamaica, particularly with regard to trade and investment. Thus, two key questions to ask as we seek to engineer a global shift in perception about Jamaica:

  1. What core values are people in the international community assuming as they observe and interact with us?
  1. What do they already believe about Jamaica that will affect their attitude and impact their interest in us, and their willingness to conduct business with us?

A Cultural Diplomacy Strategy

The government of Jamaica can no longer take for granted that Jamaica’s image is powerful and that its brand quality is secure. While our athletes will continue to fly the Jamaican flag, it is important to take a more strategic and proactive approach to nation branding. A cultural diplomacy strategy is required. It could undertake a study of cultural diplomacy of other countries (e.g. European Union) to discover how they use this tool and how can Jamaica leverage its cultural products to bolster its image overseas and attract investment. It is also important to conduct a comprehensive audit of Jamaica’s arts and cultural offerings locally and overseas (festivals, Trade Shows, Expos, Cultural Campaigns) to assess their impact and discover the possible structural impediments to increased arts and cultural programming. The strategy would also explore ways to collaborate with the Jamaican private sector in promoting Jamaican culture abroad.

Public Diplomacy (the umbrella term under which cultural diplomacy falls) is also crucial for Jamaica, as it is also about communication and engagement at a strategic level. In many respects, public diplomacy smoothens issues that may serve as a barrier to cooperation. It will encourage investors to give Jamaica the benefit of the doubt on controversial issues such as the control of crime and violence, since they would understand better our socio-economic, political and historical context, as well as our cultural underpinnings. Public and cultural diplomacy will illustrate our true ideals, our interest in fostering positive values, and attitudes, combatting the popular notion that Jamaicans are homophobic and violent. Public diplomacy helps to create relationships with foreign publics which can endure beyond changes in government. Through think tanks and other outreach and exchange programmes, this tool can reach influential members of foreign societies, who cannot be reached through traditional embassy functions. It will not only create a platform for the expansion of Jamaican culture overseas but will also build positive civil society by including Jamaican Diasporic communities more heavily in nation building.

Lifting Jamaica’s brand quality is an imperative that we can no longer ignore.

Dr. Hume Johnson is a Political Analyst, and Professor of Public Relations at Roger Williams University, USA. She can be reached at humejohnson@gmail.com

 

 
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Posted by on January 25, 2012 in Rethinking Governance in Jamaica

 

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PM should set the tone for peace

The following is my latest assessment of the Jamaican political scene. I was asked what I expected the new Jamaican Prime Minister will discuss at his first Party Conference as Leader of the Jamaica Labour Party and in his first broadcast to the nation as Prime Minister.

The substantive article was published in the Jamaica Gleaner. Click on the link here to read: http://jamaica-gleaner.com/gleaner/20111120/lead/lead4.html

Given the new Prime Minister’s clear desire to seek his own mandate from the people and given that elections are constitutionally due,  it is reasonable to expect that the Prime Minister discuss the likelihood of general elections at the Party’s upcoming Annual Conference. His address to the supporters will be designed to rouse  party faithfuls as well as reenergise those who may have become disenchanted with the JLP under Bruce Golding and the mishandling of the Dudus and Manatt affair. Andrew Holness is determined to carry the JLP into a second term in power despite his party’s sullied image. The new JLP leader will therefore want to project the JLP as a new-fangled organisation, with himself as a symbol of the JLP’s ability to foster change and renew itself. I also believe Mr. Holness will try to articulate what the JLP perceives to be its concrete successes over the last 4 years, and convince supporters that it remains the best option to manage the economy and tackle the major challenges facing the nation.

The address to the nation is, first of all, an extraordinary political tool which has been used to make important announcements, clarify troubling national issues and by the same token to restore calm and focus during times of instability and uncertainty. In this regard, it should be expected that the new Prime Minister will use the opportunity to really introduce himself to the Jamaican people as the leader of the nation. He would have recognised that the last 4 years had been tumultuous for the nation and that a new JLP leader, a new Prime Minister and fresh elections in a politically-charged environment as Jamaica would be a major upheaval for the Jamaican people. I believe his address would therefore seek to set a frame of reference or prism through which the nation can find confidence and feel hopeful about the future. It is reasonable to expect Mr. Holness to articulate his own political agenda (and hopefully philosophy) by which he will guide the country. I expect that he will also use the opportunity to ask for the support of all citizens in confronting the challenges facing the nation.

Given the spirit of political divisiveness, dirty politics, mud raking and violence that election campaigns in Jamaica often invite, it is hoped that the Prime Minister will also seek, in his address to the nation, to set a tone for peaceful balloting by addressing the readiness of the electoral office, the police etc, for a national poll and using his position and power to make his transition to office resemble the action of a mature democracy.

 

 
 

Personality Politics in Jamaican Elections

Since the emergence of P.J. Patterson, personality related slogan seems to have taken over vis a vis the Manley (Better Must Come) and Seaga (“Deliverance is Near”). What does this signify about Jamaican contemporary politics?

The above was the question posed by a political reporter at the Jamaica Gleaner. I do not particularly support the way the question is framed. This is because it appears to suggest that personality politics did not precede PJ Patterson and that PJ’s politics did not supersede personality. Yet, in appreciation of the spirit of the question, I offer the following response:

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Personality has historically held strong influence and significance in Jamaican politics. Nothing about this has changed. Michael Manley, Edward Seaga and Portia Simpson Miller variously promoted and trafficked in a populist pedestrian politics. P.J. Patterson and Bruce Golding, though less accessible and popular, have nonetheless been evaluated by the nature of their personalities. Indeed, perceptions of their failings or success in political leadership have hinged, in part, on their personal characteristics and likeability.

 

Yet it is important to acknowledge that despite operating within a historical context of personality-based politics, Michael Manley, Edward Seaga and P.J. Patterson articulated a clear philosophy of governance and attempted to govern and make policy decisions on the basis of their deeply held socio-economic and political philosophy. Others seem more inclined to play to popular sentiment and govern on the basis of their personality than inspite of it. Whereas the nature of the political culture seems to always demand politicians with strong, charismatic, feisty personal characteristics, the complexity of the challenges, which face the nation, and the requirements of 21st century governance suggest that personality politics alone wont do.

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Posted by on October 28, 2011 in Uncategorized

 

Daunting Task for Jamaica’s New PM

Which will be tougher for Andrew Holness over the short to medium term – the task of leading the JLP or his role as Prime Minister? This  was the question posed of me by the Jamaica Gleaner recently. This is my response:

 

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Both tasks are tough. Yet an election must first be prepared for and won on the platform of a reformed and renewed JLP. In this regard, and despite utterances to the contrary, Mr. Holness inherits a Jamaica Labour Party that has been deeply fractured by the scandalous events of the last four years and whose image has been badly bruised. To re-imagine the Labour Party as a united, strong organisation of youth and vitality, of fresh ideas; a party of integrity that fosters transparency and openness; which is willing to depart from the old ways of thinking about and conducting our politics, and armed with a clear vision of social and economic development should surely be a top priority.

To govern a seemingly ungovernable society such as Jamaica with its myriad social and economic woes will be especially daunting for any Prime Minister. Yet, Jamaica also faces a crisis of genuine and accountable leadership. Mr. Holness ought to first see his role as Prime Minister as independent of his role as Leader of the Jamaica Labour Party. The JLP under Bruce Golding tried to muddle this distinction with dire consequences. Despite the early successes of the debt exchange programme and other economic policy initiatives from which the JLP can find favour, Holness must tackle head on the political fall out and loss of legitimacy caused by the mishandling of the extradition and Manatt issues. Where Bruce Golding failed, Holness must appear to succeed. This may mean acknowledging previous wrongdoing, accepting culpability and taking restorative steps to reclaim the favour of voters, donors, supporters, and the wider citizenry. It is upon this kind of platform of integrity and openness that genuine confidence in the party and a JLP government can be rebuilt.

 
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Posted by on October 28, 2011 in Uncategorized

 

Goodbye my mentor and friend, Prof Barry Chevannes

He insisted that I called him ‘Barry’. I couldn’t. I didn’t. My respect for this extraordinary man was too deep, my awe of him too great, my admiration for him too boundless to allow such familiarity. I was a mere 19 year old undergraduate student in 1994 at the UWI, Mona when I met Professor Barry Chevannes. Young, eager and ready to be engaged academically but frustrated by University course selection regulations, I recall barging into his office (he was then Dean of Social Sciences), begging his intervention, advice and direction about my future. I explained that Journalism was my passion and the social sciences held my interest but cross Faculty regulations limited my full and genuine pursuit of these interests.

Listening intently, his face registering an abundance of concern and empathy, but delighting in my passion and determination, he took steps to nurture my passion and steered me in a direction that has served me well professionally. His capacity to see beyond my 19 years then and acknowledge where I could be and what I could become, Dr Chevannes won my trust and earned my lifelong respect on that day. By the end of my undergrad years in 1998, Dr Chevannes had not only initiated me into the fascinating world of field research and academic scholarship, he supervised my undergraduate thesis (an anthropological look at the socialization of Tony Rebel, Gernet Silk and Luciano in the parish of Manchester and their devout attachment to Rastafari) but through genuine and mutual respect and affection, we fostered an ongoing rapport, mentorship and friendship that have lasted some 16 years.

Over the years, Professor Chevannes assumed a keen interest in my academic career and my personal life and welfare that only a father should. He cultivated in me a passion for my country and concern about its problems despite my geographical location in Australia/New Zealand. He took to reading my published academic papers, offered constructive critique, invited my article contribution when he served as Guest Editor for the Jamaica Gleaner, and my scholarly participation in conferences in which he felt my research work would be valuable. And in his last email to me, he advised me to ‘publish, publish, and publish’ and not to give up on the UWI as a place to work. Professor Chevannes knew that the changing of the guard is inevitable. Through folks such as myself and others, he saw that the potential of younger academics need to be nurtured and adequate space created for them to occupy the system and carry on the essential tasks of development-oriented scholarship and nation building.

Much has been said and will be said about this fine scholar. Indeed, the Caribbean region has lost one of its superlative scholars and anthropologists. I have had the pleasure of soliciting his academic opinion on various issues both as a journalist and later as a doctoral student. He had a depth of understanding about the issues that plague us, and never bought into the idea that these problems couldn’t be solved. On one of our many talks, I said to him ‘the poor are merely trying to survive’. He said ‘Hume, we should get over that because we have already survived; we have been surviving. We survived the slave trade and colonialism, we survive natural disasters; we survive poverty everyday, it’s time we overcome and start living”.

His heart strings were tied to the nation. It manifested in his connection to the roots of our culture; his affinity for the people in the belly of the society; his regard for the Rastafarian movement; in his love for the arts and for the true emissaries of our music. Professor Chevannes was a genuine civic actor and his life and work gave pulse to an otherwise sedate and dormant civil movement. His formation of Fathers Inc. and selfless contributions to the peace, justice, gender, education, cultural and religious movements are substantial inputs of social capital and civic virtue in a society desperately deficient in this regard.

But much more than an academic, Professor Barry Chevannes was a wonderful, delightful human being, a charming, affable man of profound integrity, grace and personal power. He was and remains my template of what a man and a human being ought to be – dignified, unpretentious, and self-assured. He was gentle in manner but firm in his beliefs and principles and committed to his family, his race and the nation around him.

Professor Barry Chevannes has lived an exemplary life and our individual and collective experience with him has been so profound that we mourn his passing but celebrate his life. He manifests so many of the qualities that our citizens, leaders, and our men should aspire to be. This life is duller in your absence Professor. I am proud that my life path crossed yours. Thanks for your enduring support and impact on my life and career. I remember you today and always.

Dr Hume Johnson is a Broadcast Journalist and Political Analyst. She can be reached at humejohnson@gmail.com



 
 

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When Issues Become Crises: Reggae’s Delayed Response

Following my presentation at the recent Reggae Conference on ‘Reggae’s Crisis of Image : What Role for Public Relations and Crisis Management’ and its reproduction in the The Sunday Observer of February 21, 2010, I was invited to discuss the issue on TVJ’s Morning Time programme. It was an invitation I accepted since it is my strong belief that the music industry (and if one wants to expand this to say successive Jamaican governments) have not yet understood the value of public relations, strategic communication, customer service, reputation management and crisis management. 

 Following my appearance on TVJ, I got a call from DJ Capleton’s manager, Claudette Kemp. Her call was not to enquire anbout the tenets of crisis management or how best to employ strategic communication to navigate the crisis of cancellations her artiste continue to face. She said she wished to ‘reeducate me about homophobia”. I realised that the premise upon which she wished to have a discussion had negated the genuine realities confronting the Jamaican music industry, I excused myself from the conversation. Many industry people remain in denial about the issues or choose to take a defensive, attack-the accuser-stance in negotiating their way out of the present situation. Those strategies are unsustainable. I address below what I meant by crisis and the reasons image restoration strategies should be preferred over defensive strategies in repairing some of the damage done to reggae’s image abroad.

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 Issues  (problems, trouble etc) which are ignored especially in different camps usually germinate into crises for the music as a whole. What is a Crisis? According to Kathleen Fearn-Banks, author of Crisis Communications: A Casebook Approach “a crisis is a major occurrence with a potentially negative outcome affecting the organization, individual, or industry, as well as its publics, products, services, or good name.” 

 Despite the persistent challenges faced by Jamaican music industry and many of its reggae and danechall artistes, there has been litte by way of effective crisis management or real public Relations. Public Relations is ‘a management function which seeks to foster and maintain through deliberate planning mutually beneficial relationships between an organization and its various publics on whom its success or failure depends’ (Cutlip & Centre, 2007).

 Note that nowhere in this definition is the word publicity. PR practitioners  in the industry often confuse publicity and promotions (ie getting the artiste in the media) for effective public relations. Publicity is merely a tool in the public relations armoury. This comes home especially in moments of crisis.

 THE ROLE OF CRISIS MANAGEMENT?

Could strategic intervention about Jamaica’s position on homophobia (outside the Prime Minister’s unfortunate diatribe on the BBC in 08) using widely known crisis planning and reputation management practices have averted the banning of artistes; the labelling of reggae as ‘hate music, the enactment of legislation in some European countries in which reggae dancehall is labelled ‘Music harmful to children/society’? Could such strategies have softened the impact of this crisis and lessened its severity?

One answer – YES. It is the job of public relations professionals to develop communication strategies to “…influence the course of a conflict to benefit the organization/individual and, when possible, to benefit their many constituents.” (Cameron,. & Wilcox, 2009, p246). Writing in Public Relations Review, Philip Gaunt and Jeff Ollenburger describe crisis management as a reactionary process that tends to deal with an issue after it becomes public knowledge and affects the company/individual. It often requires the public relations professional to influence conflict reduction. But studies have shown that the majority of organizational crises are self-inflicted, because management ignored early warning signs. It’s reached the point where artistes are unable to foresee potential disasters… And their management – by blinding themselves to it – has largely allowed those disasters to happen.

The limited response to the ongoing homophobia issue particularly regarding Buju Banton has by all accounts seemingly rolled over into the latest controversy involving his arrest. Aside from a few news updates from the media featuring vague statements by his lawyers in the days following his arrest; no coordinated damage control has been effected; no accounting to the artistes numerous publics – fans; patrons, sponsors, promoters, etc. We do not want the artiste’ case to be tried in the media by any means; but it would appear that some in the industry have’nt quite worked out the complexities of the gorilla-sized problem that has been allowed to mature.

Since Buju Banton was undoubtedly the poster boy for anti-homphobia campaigns in music for more than a decade, it is extraordinary that the management outfit had no crisis plan for what industry colleagues, fans and – and face it – rivals saw coming 1000 miles away. As a result Banton has found himself in a vicious set of circumstances which see him effectively putting his potentially biggest money-making album – Rasta Got Soul -  and current promotions in “recess” while awaiting trial in a US Federal Prison.

Not all PR crises will offer as clear-cut solution; however it would have been useful for a practitioner to monitor the issue over time, look out for potential threats to the artiste career and reputation, assess them, arrive at a stance, then begin communication efforts from that stance. This is not hard; just requires professional alertness from a PR point of view.

WHAT TO DO DURING A CRISIS

Many professionals offer good checklists on what to do during a crisis: Put the public first, Take responsibility, Be honest, Never say “no comment”, and Designate a single spokesperson. Of course, not all organizations respond to a crisis in the same way. W. Timothy Coombs has a Ph. D in Issues Management and Public Affairs, and more than 20 years experience in the field. Coombs suggests that the response may vary on a continuum from defensive to accommodative. Which approach is selected depends on the situation and stance/position taken by the organisation. He points out that it is important for organisations to consider the accommodative strategies (ingratiation, corrective action, full apology) if defensive strategies (attack accuser, denial, excuse) are ineffective.

“Accommodative strategies emphasize image repair, which is what is needed as image damage worsens. Defensive strategies…logically become less effective as you are viewed as more responsible for the crisis.” (Coombs, 2009, p246). “To come out and say ‘batty man fe dead’  or ‘burn batty man’ and then offer no clarification, qualification or rectification when you are pressed again a very public and global wall is  not only an appalling display of poor judgement buit it’s in very poor taste.

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Yet, even so, we see where some artiste have seen and used the value of strategic communication to their benefit. There is the example of Assassin whom was issued a public reprimand by Red Stripe after a very vulgar performance sponsored by the drink company. Assassin and his team responded immediately saying he provided a set list and rehearsed all songs in their entirety, including the homophobic set and the promoters were alerted to this and did not offer any objections. In this regard, the artiste insisted that he did not breach his contract with the promoters. Red Stripe issued an apology to him!

REPUTATION MANAGEMENT

The Jamaican music industry must take greater account of reputation management. “In plain terms, reputation is the track record of an individual in the public’s mind…unlike image, reputation is owned by the public. A good reputation can be created and destroyed by everything an /individual does.” One of the challenges Jamaican music faces is that its artistes are infamous for pulling off stunts such as badmanism, vulgarity and the like- and are accustomed to getting fwds to these kinds of daring displays. As a consequence, refuse to apologise for wrongdoing.

Rest assured that while defensive strategies may sometimes aid a situation, the artiste in crisis must move into what is called the ‘accommodative stage of image restoration’. While one may feel ‘angry and frustrated, it is important  to quickly conform to some negotiated settlement. The final accommodative strategy of “mortification” must also be applied in circumstances where some wrong was done. A sincere apology is often times satisfactory to quell a crisis. Of course, individuals with a questionable track record will find it difficult to express an apology that is viewed as sincere.

To overcome this, artistes are obliged to give due attention to ‘customer service” – treating their publics with respect and consider how these publics/ stakeholders perceive the situation. This can help communicators determine which strategy will be best suited to rebuilding the stakeholder-client relationship and restoring the individual’s original reputation.

FIVE STRATEGIES FOR IMAGE RESTORATION

Professor William Benoit of the University of Missouri offers five general strategies (and a number of sub-strategies) for image restoration – Denial, Evade Responsibility, Reduce offensiveness, Corrective action and Mortification. Throughout the duration of the crisis, one is given only a small window of time in which to apologise. To say ‘no comment’ is to leave yourself without a public voice and unable to defend themselves ina situation of scandal. It says there is in fact something to comment on but I choose to not address it. The media tends to dig deeper in this regard. Their business is to seek and record comment.

LUCIANO – EFFECTIVE DAMAGE CONTROL

When reggae artiste, Luciano was accused of harbouring criminals at his house, he exercised four of Benoit’s five strategies throughout his predicament. Luciano initially set out his defensive strategies of initially evading responsibility. In Luciano’s own words, “I did not know these men were wanted by the police’.  This response satisfies the definition of defeasibility, where an organisation or individual explains how he/she was unable to avoid the action which took place.

The second strategy employed, reducing offensiveness, has a number of components which include differentiation, transcendence, attack the accuser and compensation. Differentiation is sometimes applied by distinguishing an event from other similar occurrences. In the statement offered by Luciano and his team during the crisis, it was implied that it is not extraordinary for artistes to have legions of fans willing to hang out at artiste premises and assume roles of protector. The accommodative strategies employed by Luciano also included corrective action and mortification. The former tactic is employed to ensure prevention of a similar incident occurring, while the latter involves the offer of a sincere apology. In his statement, Luciano apologized profusely to a variety of publics– family, fans, patrons, promoters, sponsors, etc.

Accommodative strategies of corrective action and mortification are the most useful as they tend to put more credibility to the process and adds sincerity to the image restoration process. If executed well, these strategies are likely to contribute to neutralizing the crisis and the resumption of good relationships between the artiste in crisis and his or publics. Many times however, reggae and dancehall artistes vent their frustrations in a controversy and misguidedly apply the “attack the accuser” element of defense by attempting to reduce the credibility of the accusations/and the accuser or downplay the seriousness of the offence.

FOR EXAMPLE: American rapper Chris Brown could have foolishly adopted this stance in his controversy involving fellow artiste and then girlfriend, Rhianna last year. But to reduce the perceived severity of the crisis facing him/his career, Chris Brown not only sought the help of a professional crisis management agency, he sought and accepted professional counseling/anger management and granted interviews in which he took stock of his actions and apologised in hopes of rectifying the situation.

CRISIS COMMUNICATION

Given that the popularity and success of many entertainers in Jamaica can be attributed outlandish behaviour and shock value, the communication strategies applied to repair their image in a crisis will always going to be a challenge. Artistes in crisis are however obliged to acknowledge failings, apologise, and then put the events in the past as quickly as possible. We see where Tiger Woods failed to do this in recent personal crisis. Rhianna waited nine months to craft an appropriate response. She could get away with this enormous delay only because she was positioned as athe victim in the situation. When she finally addressed the crisis, she did so appropriately and the benefit was that she gained tremendous sympathy from the American public. Chris Brown immediately sought a PR agency to derive a response and rectify potential damage to his reputation and image. Late night host, David Letterman recently immediately acknowledged his wrongdoing, rectified the situation by adopting corrective action and moved forward.

CONCLUSION

Unfortunately, there is little inbuilt restraint in the Jamaican culture where sponsors, media, and patrons withdraw their support from artistes who operate in ways which contradict public decency. Aside from a business collective backlash in 2005, artistes continue to benefit from commercial endorsements, to feature on family programmes, idolized by the media through glorifying coverage. The issues that continue to plague artistes and the Jamaican music industry are plenty; yet we have trivialised the problem to our dilemma. We have presented ongoing crises as something that’s for popular entertainment…and we now have a situation where we have planted the seeds which have begun to do some damage to the name and image of ‘reggae’.

Sadly, the Jamaican music industry finds itself deficient in that it has not prepared itself for potential crises such as those challenging some artistes on the intl stage. The management  outfit of artistes – many times, do not appear to have prudent control over the image and reputation of artistes outside of usual publicity. Again, Publicity is not public relations. It is merely tool of public relations. The critical element is relationship building, and attention to customer service. It is this favourable relationship between the artistes and his/her publics and favourable opinion that becomes fundamental to reputation management and crucial when faced with a crisis. It is thus important to have educated and trained professionals operating within the industry to tackle on a professional serious basis some of the genuine issues facing artistes and the industry  which requires effective damage control to remedy.

___________________________

 Dr Hume Johnson lectures Public Relations and Journalism in Australia. She has over 15 years experience as a publicist in the Reggae Music Industry. Write her at humejohnson@gmail.com

 
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Posted by on March 2, 2010 in Uncategorized

 

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Reneto Adams: From ‘Bad Man Police’ to Police Commissioner?

reneto3“You have to be firm. You have to use some force where it is necessary and you have to know how to use it. Civil society has lost control in Jamaica, so you have to have a firm strong personality [referring to the job of Police Commissioner] who knows strategy and tactic and who knows how to contend with the criminal elements”.

                                       Reneto Adams, Personal Interview with 2004, February 3).

  If Isiaah Laing and Keith ‘Trinity’ Gardener were the ‘bad man police of the 1970s and 1980s onwards, then Reneto de Cordova Valentino Adams is the contemporary manifestation of the ‘badman police’ phenomenon in Jamaica. Typically clad in combat attire, outfitted with helmet, bullet proof vests, high-powered weapons and sporting dark sun shades(see image inset), Adams’ hard-hitting policing style had become legendary. Now with growing momentum from Jamaican citizens, particularly those on social network sites (facebook, twitter) for this controversial former Senior Superintendent of Police, Reneto Adams to be appointed as Police Commissioner, it is important to reflect on what this  tough cop represented during his 35 year tenure in the Jamaica Constabulary Force, and the significance of this abiding interest in him for the top job in the JCF.

 Indeed, in the desperate bid by the state to act forcefully to combat soaring criminality, the Jamaican society has over time experienced the emergence of new kind of ‘brand name’ cop that I prefer to call ‘bad man police’ and with this, a highly-developed culture of intimidating policing and militarism. In order to understand this controversial development, one would have to look through the lens of former Senior Superintendent of Police (SSP), Reneto DeCordova Valentino Adams and the militaristic police team he once headed, the Crime Management Unit (CMU).  

Reneto Adams & the CMU

In response to intense public pressure in 2002, including widespread accusations from the media, civil society and the business community about its lack of urgency and political will to stop crime, the Jamaican government, led by then Prime Minister P.J. Patterson, immediately established the Crime Management Unit (CMU) to tackle rampant criminality. The CMU was a specially designed technical team comprised of a heavy detachment of armed police officers with the authority ‘to move anywhere and anytime throughout the Corporate Area’ (Kingston & St. Andrew) to actively combat criminal gangs on their turf. It had the authority to call on back up personnel from other specialised crime-fighting teams within the Jamaica Constabulary Force (JCF) such as the Special Anti-Crime Task Force (SPACTF), Mobile Reserve and Flying Squad (The Jamaica Gleaner, 2000, November 2). The Jamaican government spent some $J11 million dollars to outfit the unit, including US$100,000 worth of surveillance and other technological equipment (ibid).

Heading the newly-installed Crime Management Unit was the tough-talking, brazen and flamboyant crime-fighter, Senior Superintendent Reneto Valentino de Cordova Adams. Reneto Adams was the ‘cream of the crop’ in Jamaican policing and his courtship and ultimate selection by the state was deliberate and calculated. This is because Reneto Adams had come to embody a particular brand of policeman and policing that has been nurtured in Jamaica since the formation of the Jamaica Constabulary Force more than a century ago in 1865. The JCF was formed immediately following the historic Morant Bay Rebellion in which violent citizen riots were put down by the public hanging of its two prominent leaders (National Heroes – Paul Bogle and George William Gordon). The JCF was, in other words, designed to suppress future ‘threats’ against the governing colonial regime. Commentators argue that the JCF thus appears to have been historically invested it with ‘an overriding principle of profound authoritarianism’ (see Harriot, 2000:43). So, although the Jamaica Constabulary Force today is largely required ‘to serve, protect and reassure the people in Jamaica through the delivery of impartial and professional services’[i], it retains much of the ‘Force’ inherent in its name and it seems to have become obligatory for its members to demonstrate the capacity to carry out sustained attack, if not all out war on criminal elements as intended by the Jamaican State at different instances.

 What is a “Bad Man Police” ?

I draw particular attention to Former Supt. Adams here because he had come to bridge the gap between the capacity ‘to protect and serve’ as well ‘to attack’. Reneto Adams stands out among an exclusive list of popular Jamaican lawmen – such as Keith ‘Trinity’ Gardener, Cornwall ‘Bigga’ Ford, Isiaah Laing and Tony Hewitt,  - who had come to personify the classic prototype of what I call the ‘bad man police’. A ‘bad man’ in generalised usage is an armed civilian combatant, a regular gunslinger, more commonly known as a ‘shotta’ (read as ‘shooter’ or gunman) in Jamaican vernacular. The shotta is heralded in the ghetto as a respected ‘warrior’ and ‘folk hero’ (see Johnson & Soeters, 2008) while the ‘police’ symbolize the state and the rule of law and is charged with stamping out all that the former advocates. I juxtapose these otherwise incongruous terms/personalities – ‘badman police’ – to illustrate and characterise the popularisation and consolidation of a new brand of crime-fighter in the Jamaican context. Despite the deliberate tension and ambivalence the phrase ‘badman police’ engender, I argue that this juxtaposition is appropriate as this new kind of police effectively assumes the characteristics of the ‘bad man’. He attires himself in heavy-duty, military style combat wear, carries high-powered weapons, moves around in a posse of other officers (or join forces with soldiers) and, in the performance of his duty, displays the same kind of aggressiveness and fierceness akin to the ‘bad man’ (gunman).  

reneto4

This psychological and physical stance in the policing function is seen to be indispensable to confronting/ combating and ultimately subduing the ‘bad man’ and maintaining the rule of law. The following remark from one police officer on the beat provides insights into this phenomenon: ‘You can’t listen to Bob Marley when you going to hunt criminals, I have to listen to Bount Killer (dancehall deejay known for violent lyrics). I have to get into the psyche of the bad man. If I don’t, I get killed’ (Personal Communication, December 2007). This ‘kill or be killed’ mentality is no doubt a harsh reality of policing in Jamaica) but these remarks also reflect the paradigmatic shift in the psychology of the cop on patrol. He effectively portrays the attitude and style of the bad man in the attempt to carry out the rule of law. It is this incongruity which I attempt to unmask here. Although when drawn together, the expression ‘bad man police may suggest ‘police-turned-criminal’, it is conceptually distinct from what is usually understood as ‘police criminality’ embodied in the phrase ‘rogue cop’. Instead, I use the designation ‘bad man police’ to refer to cops who combine a healthy respect for the rule of law but are not adverse to employing ‘force majeure’ to bring violators of the law to account.

For example, according to reports in popular media, Keith ‘Trinity’ Gardener was the archetypal ‘street cop’ in the 1970s, becoming the most feared nemesis of politically-factionalized criminal elements who had assumed control of Kingston’s ghettoes during this politically volatile period (Jamaica Gleaner, 2005, March 13).  Meanwhile, so legendary had the temperament and exacting policing carried out by Isaiah Laing become that he was ultimately immortalised in song by Jamaican entertainer, Norman ‘Tiger’ Jackson through the popular lyrical refrain – ‘wha [what] de ‘badman police’ name? …Laing!’ As I said at the outset, if Laing and Trinity were the ‘bad man police of the 1970s and 1980s onwards, then Reneto de Cordova Valentino Adams is the contemporary manifestation of the ‘badman police’ phenomenon.

Reneto- Rise of a Celebrity Cop

Typically clad in combat attire, outfitted with helmet, bullet proof vests, high-powered weapons and sporting dark sun shades(see image inset), Adams’ hard-hitting policing style had become legendary. This tough-talking, flamboyant and media-savvy lawman was renowned for fearlessly disarming criminal gangs and recovering illegal weapons. In fact, his highly publicised success record of ‘cleaning up’ (substantially reducing crime levels) the volatile communities such as Spanish Town and East Kingston in the mid-1990s as well as his ability to drive fear into armed criminals, catapulted Reneto Adams into national attention. His openness with the media, genuine friendliness with members of the public and his mildness of speech and unquestioned integrity had earned him popularity, respect and widespread support from among large segments of the Jamaican population. But his uncompromising approach to policing brought him both popularity and infamy. This model of policing, Reneto Adams declared, had become indispensable in Jamaica as the social institutions that normally regulated society had failed. In my interview with him way back in 2004, he remarked:

The policeman, because of what is happening in the society [mushrooming rates of crime and violence] is not seen anymore as a peace person because he has got now to be carrying along with him into the community M-16s and huge weaponry and not the style that used to accompany a policeman once with his little baton but he is seen now as almost a monster (Personal Interview, 2004, February 3).

Given the nature of crime in Jamaica and the sheer brutality of some murders, it may be fair to argue that both the policeman and the criminal have become the proverbial ‘monster’. Reneto Adams had thus come to symbolise the possibility of genuine ‘public safety’ for many Jamaicans. His ‘badness’ was proof that the rule of law still abound within the society and the criminal was not in control but could be conquered and subdued.  

But the Reneto Adams–led Crime Management Unit was the manifestation of ‘military style policing’. For example, a joint CMU (police) -military trawl for illegal weapons in July 2001 erupted in three days of fierce fighting between gunmen and the security forces. A total of 27 people, including three members of the Security Forces were killed (Jamaica Gleaner, 2001, July 12). The police emerged out of this confrontation with an even more sullied image and a widening gap between itself and the citizens in the targeted communities for crime-fighting.

Although it was to be a permanent, proactive structure with long term goals of intelligence gathering, crime detection and containment and the short-term objective of targeting and disarming criminal gangs across the island, Reneto’ Crime Management Unit was abandoned in 2004. Its uncompromising mode of operation and ‘take no prisoners’ attitude had become increasingly unattractive. Reneto Adams made enemies within his own ranks as many colleague officers felt he was ‘in bed’ with the media as well as from amongst criminal gangs, receiving hundreds of death threats per year. Significantly however, although overlooked and deemed to be justified by many citizens, Reneto’s harsh crime fighting style had ultimately spiralled out of favour with human rights groups, particularly the lobby group Jamaicans for Justice.

 Although the CMU deployed successful criminal detection and apprehension tactics and Reneto Adams was celebrated for his fearlessness and unique ability to flush out and intimidate gangsters, his unit fronted heavy and continuous criticism from the then political opposition (Jamaica Labour Party), influential pundits within the media and the human rights lobby. Indeed, the emerging view of Reneto’s CMU was that its militaristic policing approach, particularly its frequent resort to firepower was unsustainable. The final nail in the CMU’s coffin came after its involvement in several controversial incidents. These included the killing of seven alleged gangsters on March 14, 2001 in Braeton, St. Catherine and four people, including two women, in a house in the district of Crawle, Clarendon. These police shootings ignited intense condemnation from human rights lobby group, Jamaicans for Justice and Amnesty International.  The Jamaican government, having responded to public pressure to forcefully combat crime, found itself in a quandary. The CMU was disbanded.

Statistically, and in terms of presenting an appearance of stability, squads like Reneto’s CMU appeared to be worthwhile. Its logic is a simple one. Jamaican urban (terrorist) gangs represent active “threats” to the social order. The application of a “militarized” response to contain/eliminate this “threat” is justifiable. But persistently employing the wrong tool for the job carries strong risks for human rights, and effective policing.

Bad Man Police Versus Community Policing

Does the policy of bad man policing render redundant effective community policing? The whole notion of “community policing”, is designed “to foster improved communication and mutual understanding between the police and the community” (Harriot, 2000:93). Given that they are the locus of the crime problem, violence–prone inner city communities are ideal political spaces for the incubation of improved relationships between citizens and police. The logic is that the police, due to living amongst and sustaining healthy interactions with citizens in the community and respecting their rights, will be less feared or perceived as an “occupying force” to be treated with contempt but as partners/facilitators in the fight against crime.

But according to Reneto Adams, who had been charged with murder following a controversial police killing in the Clarendon community of Crawle in 2004:

Community policing was designed for a real civil society or a society which is behaving in a civilized way. In other words, the policeman exercising community policing should not be carrying a firearm, should not be dressed like you see me dressed sometimes, should not be in squads … but many communities in Jamaica do not allow us to do that. They are dangerous… those places are not conducive to community policing.

It is these very real circumstances, which elevates the ‘bad man police’ and a militaristic style of policing (and leads to its widespread acceptance) as a viable crime-fighting option in certain communities in urban Jamaica.


 
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Posted by on November 11, 2009 in Uncategorized

 

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Caribbean Nationals Energise North Queensland (Australia)

“That dude with the Rasta head band is Trini”, the operator of Jamaica Joes restuarant and pub in the North Queensland city of Townsville Australia, American Christopher Haddad, shouted to me in a packed pub of Australians out in numbers to watch the Townsville Air show put on by the Australian Defence Force (Townsville hosts the largest army barracks in Australia).

I saw the head band with the signature Rastafarian colours – red, green and cold – but it was draping the head of a young scrawny looking ‘white dude’ with shaggy blond hair. Chris beckoned to him to come over to meet me and as he walked up to me, I imagined I would hear bellowing from his lips that quintessential Steve Irwin type Australian drawl. Naah.. was not to be. Jesse (as he turned out to be )walked up to me with a big grin and out came that awesome Trinidadian accent, and guess what it said: “Townsville people say my accent is more authentic”!. “You are too learned, he continued with his introductory jabs, so your voice is too cultivated and too polished”.
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Jesse, Trinidadian living on The Sunshine Coast, Australia

Can you imagine the audacity, the gall, the total lack of tact and restraint. His behaviour would be frowned upon by the average Australian as rude but I laughed loudly. I loved that – going for the jugglar!; he was without a doubt a Caribbean national. ‘Excuse me!?” I said more in delight than in annoyance. Jesse was of course referring to several radio commercials I voice for Jamaica Joes restaurant. (Click here for a listen or cut and paste link ). Jesse had been the voice behind the commercials before I arrived in Australia. An authentic Jamaican had arrive so poor Jesse was naturally ditched!

<b>Caribbean Nationals set up Business in Queensland</b>
Jesse is a 24 year old and arrived in Australia only two years ago (2007). He moved to Australia’s Sunshine Coast (Brisbane, Queensland) with his parents. An older sister had moved to Australia ten years before and had managed to convince the family to take the long voyage south of the Equator to set up a business and begin a new life. The family had operated a furniture business in Trinidad supplying equipment to educational institutions, among them the Vocational Training College, COSTATT. Frustration to crime and corruption in Trinidad was part of the reason for migrating Jesse tells me. His parents sold their business in Port of Spain, and is now busy setting up a similar establishment on Australia’s Sunshine Coast.

They are not alone. A Jamaican restaurant is already on the Sunshine Coast and from all reports quite a popular spot. Jesse reports that during the severe Australian winter, there was a signed scrawled on crocos bag at the windows which jokingly read “Enjoy the winter, I gone to Jamaica where there is sun”. Priceless. These Trinis as enjoying Australia. Jesse is studying international business at Griffith University but does not feel he will end up in corporate Australia. He is helping his parents ti run the family business and spends the rest of his time hanging with his mate Christopher Haddad and helps out at Jamaica Joes, and his cousin, another Trini, Dwayne – born in Singapore to Trinidadian parents. With Dwayne you can’t tell that he is Trinidadian at first glance. he is white and speaks with a perfect Australian accent. Dwayne is Christopher’s business partner in the Jamaica Joes franschise. (I will tell the amazing story of this popular restaurant in a separate blog).

<b>Jamaica Joes, the backdrop of Caribbean vibes in Townsville</b>
Suffice to say however, Jamaica Joes has provided a backdrop for Caribbean people to meet and greet each other every weekend. On Sunday last, the mood was great. We sat on the deck watching the US airwing fighter jets, The Thunderbirds, help the Australian airwing race through the sky over Townsville to the delight of residents. Man, they moved so fast, I could only capture a couple helicopters that were flying low towards the end of the show.
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UK Deejay called David and his sound system called “Cry Tough” played the best and latest reggae -from Sizzler to Movado, from Tony Rebel and Queen Ifrica to Shabba Ranks and the awesome sounds of Lymie Murray. People ate and watched a DVD of Rebel Salute on a big screen. I supplied the DVD as it added to the immensely Jamaican atmosphere in the place. Australians bopped their heads to the music and soaked up the generally positive vibrations and energy that Caribbean people imbue.

<b>New Yorker of Jamaican parents – Star player for Townsville Crocodiles (basketball team)</b>
Hugging the sound system and dancing up a storm was none other than Corey Williams, star player for Townsville’s basket ball team, The Crocodiles. Sporting his signature mohawk hair style, Corey Williams is a celebrity in Townsville. he moved to Australia on contract some three years from New York to play basketball. He says it was a ‘great opportunity’ that he did not want to pass up. Born in New York of Jamaican parents, Corey is a New Yorker through and through but Jamaican blood runs through his veins. His personality is extraordinary and with him around the pub, Chris Hadd reports that Jamaica Joes requires no ‘PR”.
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Townsville Crocodiles player, Corey ‘Homicide’ Williams

Corey’s family hails from the ghetto community of Mongoose Town located south of Payne Land in St. Andrew. Theirs was a life of poverty and material deprivation. The family escaped poverty by moving to New York. Moving to Australia is part of that continued search for opportunity. His fun and charming nature belies the seriousness with which he takes his career. Success means a lot to him. he says he contributes by sending his family in Jamaica what he can and by identifying always with his Jamaican ness. That is not hard to tell. He alone occupies the dance floor. He loves Jamaican music and cares not whether he has to dance alone. As he hugs the sound system, we laugh loudly, but you can tell that the rhythms of the reggae beat runs deep in him.

<b>Curacao footballer plays for North Qld Fury (Townsville Football Club).</b>
Sitting at the corner table of Jamaica Joes is David, a very tall handsome brown-skinned guy who could pass as a basketball player. But he is a footballer (not to be confused with ‘footy’ – the Australian bame for rugby). Unlike Corey’s extraverted personality, David is quiet and extraordinarily reserved. He hails from the Dutch Antilles, the island of Curacao, a popular destination for Jamaican higglers who go there to buy goods for resale in the arcades around Jamaica.

David sat reading the couple DUO Magazines (Townsville’s premier lifestyle mag)srewn across the table. I went to rest my dancing feet at his table. “I hear you are in here”, he turns to me and smiled. “Yes, I am”, I said as we both flipped to the page in the September edition with an article of me and a pic. We chatted for a while about Townsville and its otherwise lack of fun and vibrancy – the Australian way really (smile). “This (the vibes at Jamaica Joes) makes up for the low keyed week here”, David said. I could not agree more.

Townsville is an industrial town, its vibrancy lies in its very attractive employment culture. In short, people come to Townsville from around Australia and overseas for work and job opportunities. It uses a lot of skilled labour – plumbing, carpentry, masonry etc. Construction is booming in this regional city, and with the Mines in close proximity and the army barracks, jobs are a plenty.

David says he basically moves anywhere there is the opportunity to play football. He was a central player in the Scottish Premier League team of Aberdeen. He speaks with a noticeable Scottish accent. His parents moved from Curacao to the Netherlands a few years ago. His sojourn to Australia is a good opportunity to improve his game and earn an income. Footballers on international contracts are paid handsomely. His team mate is former star player for Liverpool, Robbie Fowler, who now plays lives in Townsville and plays with the North Queensland Fury. Go figure.
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The blokes and I went to watch them in action on the weekend. Although the team lost 2-0 to Adelaide United, David – who came on in the second half, was instrumental. His height make shim tower over the other players and a beautiful header from him just missed the goal towards the end of the 90 minutes. I was proud to sit with Trinis and watch and supporter a national from the Dutch Antilles play for an Australian team.
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A few weeks before, I met another Jamaican in Townsville at Jamaica Joes. He is an older man in the mid- to late 50s. He had lived in New Zealand for more than a decade with his kiwi wife before moving to Townsville. He has been in Townsville for close to ten years. I promise to call and catch up with him and his family before I head off to Jamaica for Christmas. But for all of us, meeting each other and hanging out was already like Christmas. The Caribbean spirit is alive in each of us and seeing ecah other allowed it to rise to the surface. The depth of joy it brings to encounter your own people in a far away land is indescribable. So until next time, hope you enjoyed the tale.
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Posted by on September 28, 2009 in Uncategorized

 

Dismantling Donmanship in Jamaica: Is it possible and what shall it take?

Imprisoned Jamaican don, Joel Andem

Imprisoned Jamaican don, Joel Andem

I have been reading with great interest the raft of discussions surrounding the potential extradition of Jamaica’s premier don, ‘Dudus’ (aka The President) to the United States to face drug trafficking and weapons smuggling charges. What concerns me is the pervasive thinking, especially by the intellectual class that this somehow would unravel the ‘peace’ in the otherwise captive and garrisoned communities over which these dons rule.  

Let me say here that academics who rationalise criminality are to be feared as much as the criminals that their thesis appears to protect. I understandthe sensitive politics of the garrisoned communities. I also get the extraordinary sentiment and empathy felt by captive communities when one of their own is taken away to be imprisoned or killed, particularly by their so-called ‘outsider/enemies’. But the case of the FARC rebels in Columbia, the drug gangs that control the favelas in Brazil, and the militants who control the oil base in Nigeria and those controlling large parts of the resource rich areas of the Democratic Republic of the Congo is clear evidence that garrisons/dons ought to be dismantled, not protected. What they offer to communities and the state appears to be an unstable peace premised on the complicity of the citizenry and the state of their own illegalities. This kind of contract with outlaw authorities renders the state itself criminal in its desperation to stem disorder. What we would now see is stable disorder, a persistent state of anarchy but an acceptable anarchy. Is this what we want for the future of Jamaica?

The Italian case is a powerful illustration that to really address in any real and comprehensive way the robustness of criminal gangs, the power of dons and the impact of their garrison government requires the support of civil society. Like Italy, Jamaica boasts a diverse civil society and myriad civic organizations, yet they are usually seen to be ambivalent and sedate (see Gray, 2005).  However, there is an ethical progression which is gaining momentum in Jamaica and the growing global movement against powerful criminal organisations has coincided with a Jamaican civil society slowly awakening to its inescapable role in the struggle against donmanship and garrisonisation.

The slaying of High court judges Falcone and Borsellino was the tipping point for Italian civil society. The brutality of the murders shocked its conscience and forced it into action. With a record number of homicides including 1674 in 2005 alone and the massive rise in the kidnapping and murder of children in 2008, the potential tipping points for Jamaica are many. Jamaican citizens are exhausted with criminality and the longstanding hegemony of dons. There is hope. Not unlike Italy, there are a plurality of cultures even in the areas where dons and criminal gangs reign. In other words, dons and gangs never have complete hegemony over an area. Indeed, rivalry and internal strife between gangs as they tussle for leadership weakens the don’s hegemony in an area. This violence also creates space for the higher authority of the state to win back control of the enclave and consolidate a pool of witnesses to become state’s evidence. This was the Modus Operandi of the Italian state when it secured some 400 mafiosi as ‘justice colloborators’ in the mid 1990s.

The loss of power of the Jamaican dons has manifested over the last decade in the increasing anti-don sentiment in overtly garrisoned communities, and a greater willingness of residents to risk their safety to assist the authorities. The result has been a slow breaking of the code of silence which has kept criminality viable as well as an increased intensity of episodic mobilizations in the streets by loosely organised networks of citizens, particularly women and students, who desire to exhibit their fearless opposition against criminal violence in their communities.

Rest assured that significant elements of the Jamaican working and disadvantaged classes are huge supporters of efforts to rid their communities of extra-legal actors. Whether embodied in civic initiatives such as marches, prayer vigils and crusades organized by the Church, covert attempts to provide information to the police or the lyrical output of reggae and dancehall entertainers, there are always people who try to escape the don’s reach and power.

Moreover, like Italy and elsewhere, Jamaican women (especially within the context of the historically significant accession of Jamaica’s first female Prime Minister, Portia Simpson-Miller – now Opposition Leader) are becoming a force in themselves, raising their voices, also against criminality and injustice, and gaining power in civic action, popular street mobilizations as well as in the political arena. Whether as talk show hosts, human rights activities, news journalists, politicians, academics or entertainers, women are increasingly holding the stage and they use words as their only ‘weapons’, but – so it seems – those words are effective in realizing drastic changes.

Colombians protest against the FARC in 2008

Colombians protest against the FARC in 2008

While impoverishment and fear still keep some women trapped in the situation of being economic clients of patron-dons and filial bonds prevent others from assuming the much desired anti-don stance, the evident courage of women in the face of real danger may contribute to real changes in the status and authority of don in the country.  As recent as 2008, two women, relatives of criminals on the Jamaican police’s ‘most wanted’ list, were instrumental in getting their relative to surrender to the higher authority of the state. Other women, at great risk to their lives are speaking out against the practices of criminals. A televised new item in 2007 reported that a pregnant woman was shot to death in the community of Marverly in the metropolitan parish of Kingston and St. Andrew because she helped the police to unveil a kidnapping plot in her community.

Over the last decade also, there is a noticeable increase in citizen mobilizations in the streets against the control of their communities by criminals. Women, students and neighbourhoods in both rural and urban areas have become chief players in the process and are gaining power through collective action. Examples include the residents of St. John’s Road in Spanish Town who protested in February 2008 the criminal encroachment in their community; University students in March 2004 protested in fearless opposition to the reign of then area leader, ‘Bulby’; the Violence Prevention Alliance was formed to extend the message of peace by bringing together – not unlike LIBERA- different sectors of the Jamaican society. Also worthy of note here is the protests by teachers at Ocho Rios and Christiana High Schools in St. Ann and Manchester in February 2008 respectively against violence in schools. Their protest was a keen illustration that the criminal culture had embedded itself not only within garrison areas but had developed tentacles and spread throughout the wider society.

The increased role of the Church – through prayer vigils, crusades, prayer breakfasts – as well as social intervention programmes – is a great example of the power of combining symbolic gestures, evangelistic practices and real community activity. As a result of the installation of these activities, the Church counts as success its work in the one Hundred Lane community in Red Hills, St. Andrew where 7 people from one family were brutally murdered in 1997. The government sponsored Peace Management Initiative (PMI), established in 2002 and headed by a member of the Church community, Bishop Hero Blair, has also had much publicized success in halting violence in volatile garrison communities such as Mountain View and August Town. Part of the success of the PMI was that it had significant support from large sections of the marginalized community in the targeted communities. One of the challenges of civic initiatives such as the PMI is that it is not part of a larger strategy that would bring about the kind of structural changes that could offer real alternatives to the alienated class, or offer social goods which are tied to larger state structures and processes. Nonetheless, these interventions are clearly positive developments for de-garrisonisation in Jamaica.

In the same breath, there has been public indignation in recent years, propelled by the media (Letters to the Editor, radio talk shows, Editor’s Forums and Media sponsored Public Service Announcements), over the cosy, symbiotic relationship fostered between the political establishment and members of the organised crime industry. This included the daily publishing of the details of vicious crimes as front page stories, statistics illustrating mounting crime levels and letters from ordinary citizens expressing outrage at the state. This public objection resulted in the reluctant ‘outing’ of the role of politicians in legitimising donmanship. Nowadays, there is a less explicit or public display of alliance between politicians and dons and a generation of a public rhetoric by both political officials and citizens of ‘the need for political disassociation’ between these entities (see Ritch, 2001; Jamaica Gleaner, 2001, May 20).

Whereas this push from civil society has had the effect of exposing the ingrained linkages between criminal enterprise and politics, the mutually-dependent relationship which has been cultivated and sustained for more than half a century between dons and the political order clearly requires more than rhetoric to shatter. After all, if political parties are to be viewed as a vital part of the functioning of the state as well as an indispensable element of a mobilized and engaged civil society, then those within its employ cannot serve to undermine it. This sentiment also resonates with the Jamaican music industry whose members often display an ambivalent attitude to the problems of crime which beset the society by disseminating contradictory values, and at times, overt challenges to the police and the state.
Like Italy, Jamaica also knows a middle class based civil society, comprised of intellectuals, professionals and a sizeable merchant element whose constituents favour good governance, healthy economic and social institutions and are for the most part, anti-don/donmanship. The middle class is likely to profit most from institutional reforms which deepen its affinity for that agenda. Of crucial purchase therefore is that this very powerful merchant class, itself often accused of complicity in the extortion practices of dons (Henry, 2002, Jamaica Gleaner, January 31) and detached from the problems in the society, has – for the first time – pledged its financial support for the government’s latest initiatives to tackle organized crime.

Imprisoned Jamaican don, Donald 'Zekes' Phipps

Imprisoned Jamaican don, Donald 'Zekes' Phipps

Like the protests and demonstrations staged in Italy by women and youths in local communities such as Sicily and Palermo, the larger positive developments taking place in Jamaica are promising. This is because they represent the overcoming of silence, fear, resignation, years of indifference and inaction which are fertile ground for the flourishing of outlaw authorities, and for criminals to assume responsibility for governance. As such, I reiterate that the reasons dons and donmanship have persisted in Jamaica is powerfully connected to those that informed its development – a compromised Jamaican State, which continues to foster a symbiotic co-dependent relationship with alternate, outlaw authorities through the contrary patron- client practices of some Members of Parliament and a police force, some members of which continue to be in collusion with narcotics trafficking and banditry. Although the government is emphatic that it has no current ties with dons, informal practices by public officials in reality constitute de facto approval of their autonomy and independent authority. As a consequence, dons, like their Mafia counterparts worldwide, find themselves in the haughty position of being able to operate outside the rule of law.

All in all, pursuing the idea that the fight against dons have begun in Jamaica may lead one to become somewhat optimistic about the island’s future. If representatives of the middle and disadvantaged classes, including Jamaican women, official civic groups, corporate bodies, members of the reggae and dancehall industries and the media, feel increasingly confident in playing a role centre stage, and if the authorities are serious about the ‘de-garrisonisation’ of urban communities and able to evade the risk of having the ‘wars on crime’ becoming assaults on the poor (cf. Schneider & Schneider, 2003, p. 301), then – perhaps – Jamaica may undergo a decline of ‘don-power’ in much the same manner as Italy and the U.S.A. experienced the downturn of the Mafia. In such a case, Jamaica may also encounter a ‘reversible destiny’.    

There are however some noticeable challenges in the achievement of these goals. There is an apparent lack of consensus about the norms and values and principles by which the society is guided. There are colliding music forms, colliding sentiments over human rights and the role of the police, colliding ideas as to the country’s direction embodied in entrenched tribalistic and political divisions. There is also a tendency for sporadic interventions by different groups: each doing their own thing. An alliance or coordination of civic bodies similar to the LIBERA in Italy is mandatory as it will require enormous cooperation, unified collective action and consensus to dismantle the embedded nature of criminality and garrison culture in Jamaica. A revitalised Values and Attitudes programme must be tied to the Violence Prevention Alliance initiative; The Dispute Resolution Foundation, Teachers Against Violence and the raft of other citizen initiatives that share similar goals. These groups would assume the lead role in educating Jamaican citizens and training the young about peace and non-violence. Such groups would go into primary and high schools, community groups, and like LIBERA, involve the children of dons and gangsters or families living in a Mafia-don environment. And like the objectives of the Italian LIBERA, where mothers and fathers are guardians of garrison misvalues, the children can become messengers of positive inputs inside their own family and community.

This paper talked in volumes about the power of civic intervention. Social intervention by the state is also mandatory. The opening up of the Mathew’s Lane community in Kingston, for example, after the arrest and imprisonment of its longstanding don, Mathew ‘Zekes’ Phipps’, and the fact that no successor don has emerged to take his place has been the result of immediate and rapid social intervention by the Jamaican state to fill the space left vacant by rogues. It must be borne in mind that there is genuine affinity for dons amongst the garrison population. Part of this affinity stems from the don’s affluence and his capacity to extend welfare to members of his community. The Jamaican state is obliged to see the urgency of its role in dismantling garrison culture. If it fails to aggressively enforce its laws and to create new ones to confront an ever changing and dynamic criminal environment, outlaw authorities will always emerge and find a ready context for their extra-legal practices and even stronger support in the civil community.

Entertainer Mavado whose lyrics often celebrate dons and glorify killing

Entertainer Mavado whose lyrics often celebrate dons and glorify killing

In this breath, an initiative such as the state- sponsored Peace Management Initiative is community based, and relies for its success on the drive from below.  It therefore must also be tied to other social goals and state intervention programmes. This is because programmes such as the PMI can only offer real hope if and when it becomes part of a wider process of teaching the disenfranchised to become mobilised on a collective basis, and that their struggles are linked to broader social movements and civil society organisations.

It took a civic revolution led by civil society, particularly in Palermo and Sicily, to undo the power wielded by the Mafia in Italian society for over a century. A cultural revolt arising from the belly of civil society is required in Jamaica. A cultural revolt demands collaboration and consensus – the very hall marks of a powerful civil society. Jamaican women can, as the women in Sicily did – scrawl anti-don slogans on bed spreads and hung it from their windows; they can go on hunger strikes, they can demonstrate; they can call talk shows – they can shame the government into action, shame themselves into action. But citizens are obliged to act, and act together. After all, as noted civil society theorist Benjamin Barber (1984) proclaims ‘where citizens will not act, savants and finally thugs will rush in; where citizens are dispossessed of their power or offer it up willingly, who will be left to rule but savants or thugs; And who can be surprised when the savants come quickly to act like thugs and the thugs claim they are wise men’
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My extended discussion on De-Garrisonisation and Civil Society is forthcoming in Crime and Community Safety, An International Journal

 
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Posted by on September 4, 2009 in Uncategorized